Archive for February, 2009
Australia: Wharfies react to mass sackings by iconic Aussie factory, ban equipment shipment to China
By Trina Tocco, International Labor Rights Forum
As the new Congress settles in, there is sure to be one piece of legislation that will cause anxiety for many members new and old alike. The Employee Free Choice Act (EFCA) is an essential policy to pass this year given the significant challenges that workers in the U.S. and around the world when it comes to their rights to organize, form a union, and negotiate a fair contract in a reasonable amount of time.
I wanted to call your attention to a letter sent by the Child Labor Coalition on February 5, 2009 to all members of Congress in support of EFCA. This letter was signed by the National Consumers League, International Labor Rights Forum, Americans for Democratic Action, Ramsay Merriam Fund, Population Project of the General Board Church and Society of the United Methodist Church, and the National Education Association.
The letter firmly states:
As you can see EFCA is an anti-poverty initiative which is often the root of child labor. Without legislation like EFCA, we will continue to live in a world where the employers have such power over the lives of workers, where workers become simple pawns in a game of chess.
I applaud the Child Labor Coalition and the many other organizations for showing their support for EFCA and explaining how this isn’t just about unions but is about giving families and workers the ability to determine their own fate rather than it left up to the big bosses.
The Right to Organize
Why Congress should pass the Employee Free Choice Act.
By Jake Blumgart, Campus Progress
February 26, 2009
Workers in Pittsburgh rally for their right to unionize. (AP Photo/Keith Srakocic)
The Employee Free Choice Act (EFCA) is the subject of one of the most contentious debates in Washington right now. The act would strengthen workers’ rights to organize a union, which would then represent their interests in the workplace. At first glance, this issue might not appear relevant to the average, non-unionized American. But consider this: The only era in which the United States has enjoyed broadly shared prosperity was between the late 1930s and the early 1960s, the heyday of the American labor movement. It can be argued that unions have pulled more Americans into the middle-class than laissez-faire economics ever have. Now, at a time when the country’s economic policies aren’t working out well for most Americans—except, of course, the privileged few—unions are a must. But unions have been in decline for decades. In fact, a little less than 13 percent of U.S. workers are unionized, compared to one-third in the 1950s. And that’s exactly why the EFCA is such an important bill.
What is it?
The EFCA seeks to halt and reverse the decline of unions in the United States. It is an amendment to the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) of 1935, which officially sanctioned the right of workers to organize labor unions, bargain collectively, and strike. The NLRA has been weakened over the years. For example, the Taft-Hartley Act of 1947 intended to undermine unions by outlawing or restricting a number of their most effective tactics, like mass picketing, sit-down strikes. Taft-Hartley also forced the labor movement to purge its leadership of communists and other political radicals, many of whom had been the most militant members of their respective unions. Other issues like the de-industrialization of the American economy, the harsh anti-union tactics employed by business interests, and the last few decades of free-market fundamentalism have taken their toll too. Today’s EFCA seeks to redress the balance of power by reaffirming and strengthening worker’s rights in three important ways.
1) Stiffening the penalties for companies that violate employee rights through duress and abusive power dynamics. Too often when workers try to organize, management will attempt to illegally influence the process through threats and mandatory anti-union propaganda meetings. According to one study conducted by Cornell University, a shocking one-fourth of all employers illegally fire at least one worker during an organizing campaign. The penalties for such interference are minimal; an employer might be required to post a sign in the workplace apologizing for interfering. Most employers consider such mild punitive measures a cost of doing business. The Employee Free Choice Act would hold employers accountable for such unscrupulous behavior by fining $20,000 per violation during an organizing campaign.
2) Allowing a union to be recognized through majority sign-up. Also known as card check, this provision would allow a union to become certified if 51 percent of the employees sign authorization forms. Majority sign-up would give workers the option of bypassing a bruising election process, which management usually dominates through coercion and pervasive anti-union propaganda.
3) Provide simplified access to federal mediation if management bargains with employees in bad faith. Under today’s labor laws, if union organizers are able to win a successful election, management can still draw out contact negotiations indefinitely. This is known as bargaining in bad faith, and such spiteful negotiations can drag on for years, slowly sapping the union’s strength. EFCA would undercut such ignoble tactics by referring the dispute to the federal government. The Federal Mediation and Conciliation Service would then arbitrate the negotiations free of charge, effectively forcing the two sides to come to an agreement.
Why is it good for employment?
Today’s unemployment rate is at 7.6 percent (but if underemployment and forced part-time hours are factored in, the number is closer to 14 percent), and the Federal Reserve predicts it will remain high until at least 2011. Fresh rounds of layoffs in companies like Home Depot, Caterpillar, and Spring haunt the news cycle. The working and middle-classes have borne the brunt of the crash—and to make matters worse, America’s reeling workers no longer have the easy access to self-empowerment that they used to.
Even before the recession was officially declared, real wages had been in decline for decades, despite increasing corporate profits, largely because such a small percentage of the American workforce is unionized (only 7.6 percent of privately employed workers are unionized). In fact, union rates have been in decline for decades as new laws made unionization harder and de-industrialization devastated once powerful sectors of the American working-class. Subsequently, workers found it harder to make their voices heard.
The Reagan Revolution of the ’80s accelerated the decline of the labor movement. Reagan did not attempt to work with the striking workers; instead he declared war on them. Reagan began by sacking 13,000 striking air traffic controllers and crushing their union. He later went on to appoint a chairman to the NLRB who claimed that unions caused the “destruction of individual freedom.” Such policies found a willing successor under George H.W. Bush (although the neo-liberal economics of the Clinton administration didn’t provide much of a reprieve). Under the Bush Administration, union-busting and worker intimidation have reached staggering heights. Currently, 25 percent of employers illegally fire workers who attempt to organize their workplace. In 71 percent of unionization drives at manufacturing companies alone, management threatened to close the workplace if workers voted for unionization. These conditions are enabled by the fact that American labor protections provide little defense against employers emboldened by soft penalties—which many companies calculate into “the cost of doing business”—against worker abuse. This is bad for the workers, bad for the economy, and bad for the majority of Americans.
A strong labor movement is an essential element of a thriving middle-class because union members generally have more economic mobility than their non-union peers. Unions ensure employee rights, presenting a united front that represents the best interests of all workers, including people of color and women. On average, workers in unions earn $200 more per week than their nonunion peers. Unionized young people earn 12.4 percent more than their non-organized counterparts, and are more likely to have benefits, and in turn today’s young people express a “great deal of confidence” in unions. Unionized employees in general are more likely to have health care (78 to 49 percent), pensions (81 to 47 percent), and disability benefits (60 to 35 percent). In short, a strong middle-class is necessary for a revitalized economy, which has lead many influential figures to argue that the EFCA is a necessary aspect of our economic recovery.
Passing EFCA: Getting to 60 Votes
When the Employee Free Choice act was first up for consideration in the spring of 2007, it passed by a wide margin in the House of Representatives (241-185), but didn’t make it past the Senate. Now with Democrats holding 59 seats in the Senate, EFCA is likely to get a more sympathetic look. With 60 votes, the bill will have immunity from a filibuster. While most Republicans are vehemently anti-union, a few moderate Republicans in the Senate could be swayed to vote for EFCA. In 2007, Arlen Specter, the senior Republican senator from Pennsylvania, voted for the bill. But support for EFCA isn’t guaranteed among all Democrats; several moderate “Blue Dog” Democratic senators who have expressed doubt about supporting the bill, including Sen. Blanche Lincoln (AR). There are a number of senators who have expressed tepid support for the bill. With public pressure, they may be persuaded to vote for the bill.
Common Myths and Myth-conceptions
Q: Wouldn’t getting rid of elections lead to an undemocratic work environment, where union bullies force workers to vote for them?
A: First, the Employee Free Choice Act does not ban workplace elections. It simply gives workers a choice: They can organize a union through an election or through majority sign up. While EFCA opponents claim that card check would limit workplace democracy, they elide the fact that management’s role in workplace elections bears a closer resemblance Fidel Castro’s decidedly one-sided elections in Cuba than any American electoral process. Intimidation, harassment and complete control over information accessible in the workplace makes secret elections held under current laws a rather one-sided affair. According to a recent article, “in 2007 nearly 30,000 workers suffered illegal employer retaliation for exercising their rights at work … Even a survey by the anti-union HR Policy Associates turned up only 42 clear cases of union misconduct in signing union authorization cards in the more than 70 years since the National Labor Relations Act was passed in 1935”.
Q: In these tough economic times, won’t more unions do harm, not good, by forcing companies over seas in search of cheaper labor?
A: Most jobs currently available in the U.S. are not manufacturing jobs that can be easily shipped overseas. In fact, of the approximately 200 million jobs in the U.S., less than 15 million are manufacturing jobs. The majority of jobs are in the service industries: nurses, retail workers, waiters, and other employers in the hospitality industry, etc. These jobs, by their very nature, have to remain in the communities that they service. Unfortunately, the service sector of the economy is notoriously difficult to organize under current laws. EFCA would give these employees the opportunity to have their voices heard in the workplace, a right that has been denied for far too long.
Global: Police fear unrest at April G20 global summit, protests triggered by global economic crisis
Carol Hansen, Intern, USLEAP
Tuesday February 24, I had the opportunity to attend a speaking event in Chicago featuring Francisco Santos Calderón, Vice President of the Republic of Colombia. The event was sponsored by The Chicago Council on Global Affairs, which seeks to influence the discourse on global issues through contributions to opinion and policy formation, leadership dialogue, and public learning. The event was entitled “The Future of U.S.-Colombia Economic Relations and Cooperation.” Vice President Calderón centered his speech on progress and investment to support why Colombia is a reliable and worthy business partner to U.S. companies and, therefore, why the U.S. should reconsider the U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement.
When I first arrived, there was a group of protesters holding signs quoting the number of displaced and impoverished citizens in Colombia and passing out flyers highlighting the issues of labor and human rights violations. One flyer, produced by the Chicago Religious Leadership Network (CRLN) and the 8th Day Center for Justice, laid out myths and facts about the situation of violence in Colombia, the pending U.S.-Colombia free trade agreement, the issue of displacement and the Afro-Colombian struggle for territorial rights. Interestingly, many of the myths from the CRLN and 8th Day flyer were some of the main arguments and points of Vice President Santos’ speech. The protesters included representatives from the U.S. Labor Education in the Americas Project (USLEAP), Chicago Religious Leadership Network (CRLN), Service Employees International Union (SEIU), United Auto Workers (UAW), 8th Day Center for Justice and religious labor supporters.
USLEAP’s Program Coordinator, Lupita Aguila participated in the protest outside, while Stephen Coats, the Director of USLEAP, and I attended the event inside. In a small ballroom within a downtown hotel, we were served fresh fruit, muffins and beverages, along with an elaborate butter molding for our croissants. I opened the Program booklet and immediately noticed the Monsanto logo at the top of the page, the sponsorship of the event, which highlighted the business perspective of the audience and the corporate atmosphere. I prepared myself.
Vice President Santos began by stating Colombia is not well understood because there is a misinterpretation of its reality. He went to explain to us how Colombia has changed and why U.S. companies should invest in the country. He stated that foreign investment would increase employment and tax revenue in Colombia, which will in turn improve the well being of Colombian citizens. He also argued that since President Uribe took office in Colombia about seven years ago, violence has decreased drastically: “Change has been dramatic…whoever says differently is a liar.” Santos detailed the many initiatives the Colombian government has created to assist the people of Colombia. Near the end of Santos speech, he accused NGOs in the United States of ignoring the progress the Colombian administration has made, using half-truths, and not engaging in the debate of what should be done to improve the situation in Colombia. Half way through his speech, some of the protesters from outside entered the ballroom armed with banners about displacement and poverty in Colombia. As security tried to hurry them out, Santos invited them to stay so they could hear the “truth” about his country.
Colombia is known for its internal violence and corruption, and is infamous for being the world’s most dangerous place to be a trade unionist. More trade unionists have been killed every year since President Uribe has been in office than in any other country in the world. The Vice President stated that the capital of Colombia, Bogotá, is safer than Detroit, Michigan, based on his data of crime and violence in both cities. The number of trade unionist murders actually increased in 2008 over 2007.
According to Escuela Nacional Sindical (ENS), an independent non-governmental organization in Colombia that investigates and educates about worker and union issues in Colombia, “there was a strategic change in the forms of violence against unionized workers,”. For example, there was an increase in detentions, death threats, restrictions to union freedoms, and “the use of a variety of strategies to make the magnitude of violence invisible.” This can be seen through the issue of impunity in Colombia and the holes within the Colombian judicial system that may distort official data of violence (possibly the data Vice President Santos used during his speech).
Obviously, human rights and labor supporters, or those who contain what Santos calls an “anti-multinational ideology,” were the minority at the event. Naturally, there was hardly time left for questions, just enough for two. One man asked why the Colombian government has taken so long to respond to US Labor and Trade NGOs. Gary Cozette, the director of CRLN, asked Santos to respond to the anti-Coca Cola campaign taken on by a number of U.S. universities, paramilitary violence issues, and the situation of companies that took land from Afro-Colombians for the production of palm oil. Santos answered by saying he personally dealt with the palm oil issue and that the lands were given back to the original residents. In response to the anti-Coca Cola campaign, he said the Colombian government told the U.S. universities to take the issue up with the ILO.
This speech was one of many, as members of the Colombian administration are touring the U.S. this week, including a meeting with the Secretary of State, Hilary Clinton.
